{"id":35392,"date":"2020-06-04T15:20:31","date_gmt":"2020-06-04T15:20:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/packetstormsecurity.com\/news\/view\/31266\/The-Pentagons-Hand-Me-Downs-Helped-Militarize-Police.-Heres-How..html"},"modified":"2020-06-04T15:20:31","modified_gmt":"2020-06-04T15:20:31","slug":"the-pentagons-hand-me-downs-helped-militarize-police-heres-how","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.threatshub.org\/blog\/the-pentagons-hand-me-downs-helped-militarize-police-heres-how\/","title":{"rendered":"The Pentagon&#8217;s Hand-Me-Downs Helped Militarize Police. Here&#8217;s How."},"content":{"rendered":"<p><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/cdn.arstechnica.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/06\/Security_1033_1216620278-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Miami Police officer watches protesters from an armored vehicle on May 31, 2020. \"><\/p>\n<div class=\"caption-text\"><a href=\"https:\/\/cdn.arstechnica.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/06\/Security_1033_1216620278.jpg\" class=\"enlarge-link\" data-height=\"1600\" data-width=\"2400\">Enlarge<\/a> <span class=\"sep\">\/<\/span> A Miami Police officer watches protesters from an armored vehicle on May 31, 2020.<\/div>\n<div class=\"caption-credit\">Richard Arduengo | Getty Images<\/div>\n<aside id=\"social-left\" class=\"social-left\" aria-label=\"Read the comments or share this article\">\n<h4 class=\"comment-count-before\"><a title=\"138 posters participating\" class=\"comment-count icon-comment-bubble-down\" href=\"https:\/\/arstechnica.com\/tech-policy\/2020\/06\/the-pentagons-hand-me-down-helped-militarize-police-heres-how\/?comments=1\">reader comments<\/a><\/h4>\n<p><a title=\"138 posters participating\" class=\"comment-count icon-comment-bubble-down\" href=\"https:\/\/arstechnica.com\/tech-policy\/2020\/06\/the-pentagons-hand-me-down-helped-militarize-police-heres-how\/?comments=1\"><span class=\"comment-count-number\">297<\/span> <span class=\"visually-hidden\">with 138 posters participating<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"share-links\">\n<h4>Share this story<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<\/aside>\n<p>The images of this past week are both inescapable and indelible: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.wired.com\/story\/how-to-protest-safely-surveillance-digital-privacy\/\">protesters flooding the streets<\/a> of cities across the United States, met by police forces equipped with full body armor and tactical vehicles that vaguely resemble tanks. The local law enforcement responding to even nonviolent protests has often looked more like the US Armed Forces\u2014and that was before President Donald Trump deployed an actual <a href=\"https:\/\/www.military.com\/daily-news\/2020\/06\/01\/pentagon-orders-active-duty-military-police-unit-dc-region-amid-protests.html\">military police battalion<\/a> against peaceably assembled US citizens in the nation&#8217;s capitol Monday. That\u2019s no accident.<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s easy enough to buy tactical gear in the US, and the Homeland Security Grant Program has <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2014\/aug\/20\/police-billions-homeland-security-military-equipment\">funneled<\/a> billions of dollars to law enforcement agencies to acquire military-grade equipment. But for decades, a primary driver for why it can be so hard to tell a National Guard troop from a local cop has been the Department of Defense itself, through a program that has parceled out everything from bayonets to grenade launchers to precincts across the country.<\/p>\n<p>Created as part of 1997\u2019s National Defense Authorization Act, the 1033 program allows the Department of Defense to get rid of excess equipment by passing it off to local authorities, who only have to pay for the cost of shipping. (A precursor, the slightly more restrictive 1208 program, began in 1990.) According to the Law Enforcement Support Office (LESO), which oversees the process, over $7.4 billion of property has been transferred since the program\u2019s inception; more than 8,000 law enforcement agencies have enrolled. Much of that inventory is perfectly ordinary: office equipment, clothing, tools, radios, and so on. But the haul also includes some of the so-called controlled equipment\u2014rifles, armored vehicles, and so on\u2014that have helped create such a spectacle of disproportion.<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/cdn.arstechnica.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/wired-logo.png\" width=\"218\" height=\"58\">Those displays are not unique to the current protests against police brutality, either. The militarization of the American police, and the 1033 program specifically, began attracting wider scrutiny in 2014, after the Black Lives Matter protests in Ferguson, Missouri.<\/p>\n<p>Proponents of the 1033 program say that it keeps cities safer. Detractors say the distribution of controlled items actually increases police violence. Widely circulated studies have argued both sides. But those who have examined the 1033 program in depth more recently argue that the real problem is that no one knows for sure either way, because years of lax record-keeping have made a hash of the underlying data.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe federal government doesn\u2019t really keep track of a lot of this equipment that goes to local law enforcement agencies,\u201d says Anna Gunderson, a political scientist at Louisiana State University who coauthored a 2019 study that examined the effects of the 1033 program on crime rates. \u201cThe agencies themselves are inconsistent in keeping track. That just makes it really difficult for anyone to try to learn about the program or study it to try and analyze it, because we don\u2019t have a very clear understanding what kinds of equipment actually are in the hands of these agencies.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The LESO does maintain <a href=\"https:\/\/www.dla.mil\/DispositionServices\/Offers\/Reutilization\/LawEnforcement\/PublicInformation\/\">a spreadsheet<\/a> detailing to whom it has distributed property over the years. When asked about complaints of inconsistent records, a spokesperson for the Defense Logistics Agency, which oversees LESO, noted that the agency changed accounting systems in 2013 to allow state coordinators and law enforcement agencies to identify and track what they receive. That switch, and spotty record-keeping beforehand, has confounded efforts to understand the impact of a program that has helped transform law enforcement in America.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe DLA did not archive active inventories prior to 2014. They also did not archive information about transfers of equipment and destruction of controlled equipment during that time. LEAs themselves typically only retain records for a few years, subject to their own local-level record keeping requirements,\u201d says Kenneth Lowande, a political scientist at the University of Michigan whose research includes the 1033 program. \u201cSome of this can never be fixed. You can\u2019t recreate records that are lost.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The issues with 1033 have also run deeper than just contradictory or incomplete data sets. The Department of Defense does not provide training for law enforcement agencies that receive controlled property. Instead, it\u2019s left to recipients to certify their own training each year. \u201cWhat programs like 1033 have done is given people the equipment to carry out operations that are traditionally done by tactical teams that otherwise would not have been able to obtain it,\u201d says Jonathan Mummolo, a political scientist at Princeton University who focuses on policing. \u201cThat is for sure not always accompanied by extensive training. There\u2019s just a lot of variation in policing standards across the board.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>That seemingly lax oversight has manifested in other troubling ways, as well. In a 2017 sting operation, the General Accountability Office <a href=\"https:\/\/www.wired.com\/story\/gao-sting-defense-department-weapons\/\">obtained over 100 controlled items from the 1033 program<\/a>\u2014including night-vision goggles and pipe bomb materials\u2014with a total estimated value of $1.2 million. All it took was the creation of a fake law enforcement agency, website, and shipping address. The GAO\u2019s fraudulent application was processed and approved within a week.<\/p>\n<p>The DLA implemented additional controls in the wake of the report, which focused on the acquisition process for federal law enforcement agencies rather than state and local. Those steps include a review of each existing applicant and establishing a point of contact at each federal agency to vet and approve requests. But the GAO\u2019s success in hoodwinking the agency did not inspire confidence. Nor has it inspired the federal government to fundamentally reconsider the premise of distributing controlled equipment to police in the first place.<\/p>\n<p>A year after Ferguson, then president Barack Obama signed an <a href=\"https:\/\/bja.ojp.gov\/sites\/g\/files\/xyckuh186\/files\/publications\/LEEWG_Report_Final.pdf\">executive order<\/a> that prohibited state and local law enforcement from receiving certain types of property, like grenade launchers and weaponized aircraft, under the 1033 program, but these restrictions were short-lived: Trump <a href=\"https:\/\/www.whitehouse.gov\/presidential-actions\/presidential-executive-order-restoring-state-tribal-local-law-enforcements-access-life-saving-equipment-resources\/\">lifted<\/a> them in 2017. Lowande argues the actual impact of that revocation has been negligible. Obama\u2019s original executive order ultimately only applied to around 300 departments, he says, and there\u2019s no sign in recent DLA inventories that previously restricted items have been sent out again. In a working paper currently under review, Lowande finds that the demilitarization efforts that did take place in those two years showed \u201cno detectable impact on violent crime or officer safety.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThere is no compelling evidence, right now, that arming LEAs with military-grade equipment increases or decreases crime,\u201d he says.<\/p>\n<p>Other research into the 1033 program, though, paints an alarming picture about its effect on police activity. &#8220;Our research suggests that officers with military hardware and mindsets will resort to violence more quickly and often,\u201d says Ryan Welch, a political scientist at the University of Tampa who coauthored a <a href=\"https:\/\/journals.sagepub.com\/doi\/full\/10.1177\/2053168017712885\">2017 study<\/a> on the effects of the 1033 program on police violence. \u201cOther research shows that when governmental responses are violent, dissidents and protestors are more likely to act violently at the site and in the future. Of course, that leads to more violence from the government creating a spiral that is hard to escape.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>In 2018, Princeton\u2019s Mummolo published <a href=\"https:\/\/www.pnas.org\/content\/115\/37\/9181\">research<\/a> showing not only that special weapons and tactics teams are deployed more often in communities of color, but that they on average \u201cprovide no detectable benefits in terms of officer safety or violent crime reduction.\u201d Which is a point that often gets lost: While the high-profile responses to police brutality demonstrations draw more attention to the 1033 program and others like it, in many parts of the country its impacts are a staple of policing.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWe tend to focus on these events when there\u2019s massive social unrest and they\u2019re dominating the headlines and we see militarized police come in, but militarized police are active in this country all the time,\u201d says Mummolo. \u201cIt doesn\u2019t take a situation like we\u2019re seeing right now to activate them.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><em>This story originally appeared on <a href=\"https:\/\/www.wired.com\/story\/pentagon-hand-me-downs-militarize-police-1033-program\/\">wired.com<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n<p> READ MORE <a href=\"https:\/\/packetstormsecurity.com\/news\/view\/31266\/The-Pentagons-Hand-Me-Downs-Helped-Militarize-Police.-Heres-How..html\">HERE<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>READ MORE HERE&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":35393,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"colormag_page_layout":"default_layout","footnotes":""},"categories":[60],"tags":[8696],"class_list":["post-35392","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-packet-storm","tag-headlinegovernmentusamilitary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>The Pentagon&#039;s Hand-Me-Downs Helped Militarize Police. 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